Question & Answer of Indian Sociologists
Q&A Series by Uniexpro.in #2

Question & Answer of Indian Sociologists | Q&A Series by Uniexpro.in #2

Question & Answer of Indian Sociologists
Q1 :
How did Ananthakrishna Iyer and Sarat Chandra Roy come to practice social
anthropology?
Answer :
Ananthakrishna Iyer came to practice social anthropology by voluntarily helping the British
administrators in ethnographic surveys of India. He was initially a clerk and then became a
college teacher at Ernakulum. In 1902, he was asked by the Dewan of Cochin to assist with
an ethnographic survey of the state. Later, he worked for British government as unpaid
Superintendent of Ethnography. His work received appreciation from British
anthropologists and administrators. Iyer became a reader at the University of Madras and
set up the post-graduate department of anthropology at the University of Calcutta. Thus,
he became the first self-taught anthropologist.
Sarat Chandra Roy was educated in law and English. He gave up his law practice and
became a school teacher in Ranchi. He was appointed as the official interpreter in the
court after he resumed his law practice. Gradually, he became interested in the tribal
society, as he had to interpret the tribal customs in the court. He gained considerable
knowledge on the culture and society of the tribal people of Chhotanagpur. Roy produced
valuable monographs and research articles on this subject. He travelled and did
intensive fieldwork pertaining to the tribal community.
Thus, the experiences gained by Iyer and Roy in the course of their work led to their
interest in social anthropology.
Q2 :
What were the main arguments on either side of the debate about how to relate to
tribal communities?
Answer :
The main arguments, on either side of the debate about relating to tribal communities,
were led by the British administrator anthropologists and the nationalists.
According to the British, the tribes of India were primitive people and had a different
culture from the Hindus. They believed that the simple tribal people would suffer
exploitation and cultural degradation at the hands of Hindu people who wanted the
assimilation of tribal people with them. Thus, they needed to be protected by the state in
order to safeguard their interests.
On the other hand, the nationalists, of whom G.S Ghurye was the most famous exponent,
argued that the tribes of India were not backward, but had been interacting with the rest
of Hindu society over a long period. The process of assimilation had been experienced by
all the communities in India and the tribes were only a step behind in this process
According to nationalists, attempts to preserve tribal culture only contributed to their
backwardness. They believed tribal society needed as much reform as
Hindu society.
Thus, the main difference in both viewpoints was the perception about the impact of
mainstream culture on tribes.
Q3 :
Outline the positions of Herbert Risley and G.S. Ghurye on the relationship between race
and caste in India.
Answer :
Herbert Risley believed that human beings could be divided into separate races on the
basis of their physical characteristics. His main argument was that caste originated in race
because the different castes belonged to different racial types. He believed that the higher
castes originated from Indo-Aryans while the lower castes originated from non-Aryan
races. Risley was of the opinion that the conditions in India were suitable for studying
racial evolution as inter-caste marriages was strictly prohibited in India.
Ghurye was of a different view. He believed that Risley's argument was partially correct
and the argument of upper castes being Aryan and lower castes being non-Aryan was true
only for north India. He further said that the prohibition of intermixing of different castes
was only limited to the northern India, and people in other areas had been mixing for a
long time. According to him, racial purity was preserved only in North India while other
parts adopted the practice of endogamy only after variations had occurred in racial
groups.
Q4 :
Summarise the social anthropological definition of caste.
Answer :
The social anthropological definition of caste was given by G.S Ghurye, which comprised
six features. These were as follows:
(i) Caste is an institution based on segmental division. This means that the castes were
different and closed segments that comprised people of an exclusive social order
determined by birth. The individuals born in a particular caste would always remain in that
caste.
(ii) Caste society is based on hierarchical division. The caste system was based on a
hierarchical order, and each caste had unequal status as compared to others.
(iii) The institution of caste necessarily involves restrictions on social interaction, specially
sharing of food. There were many restrictions in the caste system based on the ideas of
purity and pollution.
(iv) Caste involves differential rights and duties for different caste as a consequence of
hierarchy and restricted social interaction. These pertained to religious life and everyday
practices.
(v) The choice of occupation, like caste itself, is decided by birth and is hereditary. It was a
rigid form of division of labour. A person born as a shudra would always remain one,
however hard he worked or whatever success he achieved.
(vi) Caste involves strict restrictions on marriage. The marriage between people of
different castes was strictly prohibited and rules existed regarding both endogamy and
exogamy.
Q5 :
What does D.P. Mukerji mean by a `living tradition'? Why did he insist that Indian
sociologists be rooted in this tradition?
Answer :
By 'living tradition', D.P. Mukerji means that the traditions were not only formed in the
past but also kept on changing with the present and evolved over time. It manages to
retain basic elements from the past. He insisted that Indian sociologists be rooted in this
tradition because an Indian sociologist should be an Indian first, which means that he/she
should understand his/her social system first.
Q6 :
What are the specificities of Indian culture and society, and how do they affect the
pattern of change?
Answer :
The Indian culture and society are not individualistic like the western society. The
behaviour of an Indian individual is fixed by his socio-cultural group. Hence, the Indian
social system is oriented towards groups, unlike the western societies where people are
highly individualistic. The actions of individuals in Indian society are mostly involuntary.
The traditions are strongly rooted in the past.
Thus, there are fewer changes in Indian societies, as the pattern of desires of an individual
are mostly governed by the societal traditions and norms. Changes occur more in adaptive
form than any basic form. The role of economy as an internal source of change is diluted
in Indian society. Conflict due to caste system causes adaptive changes without overriding
the institution of caste.
Q7 :
What is a welfare state? Why is A.R. Desai critical of the claims made on its behalf?
Answer :
(i) A.R. Desai explained three features of a welfare state. These were as follows:
A welfare state is a positive state that uses its power in order to implement social
policies for the betterment of society. It is interventionist in nature.
(ii) Democracy and democratic institutions are considered the most important factors for
the emergence of the welfare state.
(iii) A welfare state includes a mixed economy. It means the co-existence of both the
private and state owned enterprises. The public sector concentrates on basic goods and
social infrastructure, while the private industry produces consumer goods.
Desai is critical of welfare states like Britain, USA and countries in Europe. He argues that
the claims of these states are exaggerated, while they are not even able to provide basic
social and economic security to their citizens. They are unable to reduce economic
inequality. The process of development in these states is not independent of market
fluctuations. A high level of unemployment alongside excess economic capacity indicates
the failure of welfare state. Therefore, A.R. Desai is critical of the claims made on behalf of
welfare state and concludes that its existence is a myth.
Q8 :
What arguments were given for and against the village as a subject of sociological
research by M.N. Srinivas and Louis Dumont?
Answer :
According to Louis Dumont, social institutions like caste were more important than the
study of villages. He argued that villages are just a group of people, who live or die or may
move to another location, but their social institutions always follow them. Hence, he
thought that the study of village as a category should not be given much importance.
Contrary to this, M.N. Srinivas argued that the Indian villages were relevant social entities
and historically the villages were a unifying factor in the Indian society. Further, he
criticised the British administrators because they studied the villages as a self sufficient
entity, and mentioned them as "little republics". With the help of historical and
sociological data, M.N. Srinivas concluded that the Indian villages had undergone
considerable change, were connected with the outside world and had always been a part
of
the Indian economy. Thus, he believed it was necessary to study the function of villages in
the Indian social life.
Q9 :
What is the significance of village studies in the history of Indian sociology? What role
did M.N. Srinivas play in promoting
village studies?
Answer :
The study of Indian villages has always been important in the history of Indian sociology
because of the following reasons:
(i) It provided with an opportunity to emphasise the importance of ethnographic research
methods.
(ii) It provided examples of rapid social change that took place in the country after
independence and implementation of planned development.
(iii) The village studies provided sociology with a new role in the context of independent
nation as it enabled urban Indians and policy makers to form their opinions about
developments in the villages of India.
M.N. Srinivas played a very important role in promoting village studies by concentrating
his research on village areas. He conducted field work in villages and coordinated efforts
at producing detailed ethnographic accounts of villages. His writings featured
ethnographic accounts and historical and conceptual discussions about villages. He was
critical of the arguments presented by the British anthropologists. He concluded that the
village was as important as any other social institution. He also presented the links of
the village community to the economy of the outside world.
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